DeLay’s Strategy: Polarize Texas Politics

The conviction of former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay on the afternoon before Thanksgiving Day sent shock waves through the national political scene. News reports seemed unanimous in reporting that DeLay was shocked, and that he seemed to be on the edge of tears. It seemed unlikely for the former bug exterminator who relished being called “The Hammer.”

Convicted on state charges of criminal money laundering and conspiracy to commit money laundering, DeLay could face as much life in prison, though few believe he will receive such a harsh sentence since Texas district judges have great latitude in such cases. He could get as little as probation, and the Texas governor could always pardon him.

What seems to have been lost in the sensationalism is what led to DeLay’s conviction, which I also spoke about in this NewsTaco video.

The case was never solely about corruption and influence peddling, though both played major roles and during the trial, the facts that led to the charges were never in dispute. DeLay had risen to power by taking arrogance and power to unprecedented heights. Once he was leader of a clear GOP congressional majority, he strong-armed major lobbying firms to replace Democrats with Republicans. He also leaned on corporate interests to pay for incredible excess, including, but not limited to, trips to exotic resorts for him and is cohorts.

His close ties to convicted former lobbyist Jack Abramoff raised eyebrows, but DeLay said last week that the two are still friends.

In the process of building his power, he raised $190,000 of corporate cash that he sent through an aide to the Republican National Committee. Another aide then gave the RNC a list of seven opponents of Texas House members who all happened to be white Democrats. It was enough to defeat six of them.

The strategy was clear enough: To transform the Texas Democrats into a party of minority members, and drive white Democrats to the GOP.

The problem was, however, that during the early 1900s, Texas became the first state to ban the use of corporate — and labor — money in political campaigns. And that ban has been all but obviated by the current U.S. Supreme Court which ruled that while corporations can’t contribute directly to campaigns, they can give to shadowy “independent” groups whose ads are indistinguishable from the candidates.’

DeLay’s strategy of racially polarizing the legislature by parties is also alive and well. When the next Legislature convenes in January, to consider, among other things, redistricting and the state’s biggest budget shortfall, the Texas House will include only six white Democrats.